Frayba: Counterinsurgency continues in Chiapas

Posted: August 20, 2014 by Chiapas Support Committee in Uncategorized



The federal and state governments have demonstrated their disdain towards the original peoples of Mexico from one presidential term to the next. In this phase of neoliberal capitalism their policy of dispossession for implementing projects that carry with them the disappearance of forms of social, political and cultural organization of communities and peoples, resistances that are the breath of human diversity. One example of that are the peoples organized in the National Indigenous Congress.

Since the conception of neoliberalism poverty is greater and a juicy business for governments and national and international investors. Poverty as State policy represents the pretext for exploitation and looting of the peoples. By means of the North American Free trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), the Mesoamerica Project (formerly the Plan Puebla-Panamá) and also the military and territorial control strategy through the Security Agenda Plan contemplated in the North American Security and Prosperity Alliance (NASPA), the governments of the Alliance (United States, Canada and Mexico) close the pincers.

In recent months, the unresolved Internal Armed Conflict in Chiapas has been characterized by continuous aggression towards the Bases of Support of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (BAEZLN, their initials in Spanish) with the actions of some regional social organizations at the service of the State that, since various years ago, are disputing recuperated lands. Several of these social organizations have impelled their leaders to become public officials and servants, in many cases betraying the principles from which they emerged, subjecting their plans for struggle to the government budgets and interests. In Chiapas, the integral war of wear and tear persists towards the peoples that struggle and resist, using media tactics that include the use of concepts of human rights, inter-cultural activities, collective rights of indigenous peoples and emptying them of content.

There is continuity in the state government’s posture in a public discourse about the recognition and respect for the autonomous communities, the Good Government Juntas and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), as a media action, in opposition to the absence of direct actions to change the situation of constant risk in which the Zapatista communities live, especially those displaced and threatened like San Marcos Aviles and Comandante Abel.

The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center has made constant interventions before the gravity of attacks on BAEZLN and the response has been governmental parsimony and its inability to act. This attitude of indifference maintains and provokes conflicts that are called inter-community as a way of hiding the counterinsurgency. The objective is to generate fatigue among the population that resists, that struggles, that is transforming their reality from their culture and their rights.

The events that occurred in La Realidad on May 2 are evidence of the counterinsurgency in Chiapas: a strategy of provocation and repeated attack towards the EZLN and its Support Bases, with paramilitary actions like the murder of José Luis Solis López, Galeano, a teacher at the Zapatista Escuelita, with rage, by means of machetes, blows, firearms, including the coup de grace, and the destruction of the autonomous school and clinic.

The latest acts documented by this Center, about the attacks on the BAEZLN from the communities of Egipto and El Rosario confirm the climate of constant aggression and provocation that operates behind each celebration of a space for dialogue and meeting, like the Sharing (Exchange) with the National Indigenous Congress on August 4-9 in La Realidad.

These acts represent a new attack on the project of Zapatista autonomy, with the pretension of eroding the construction of systemic change that they are impelling from below, walking projects of life from the community and the collectivity, from the concept of good living.

This Human Rights Center keeps documentation of the attacks on the Zapatistas and the denunciation that corresponds to the human rights violations. We will continue accompanying the peoples that demand the rights that belong to them and that, due to hidden interests, seek to take them away. We repeat our call for national and international solidarity to show their support for the threatened BAEZLN.

Originally Published in Spanish by the

Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico

Monday, August 18, 2014





Welcome banner at EZLN Exchange with CNI

Welcome banner at EZLN Exchange with CNI

Well, compañeros, compañeras, you heard what Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano said. This is what we see; this is what we think.

We need one another’s strength, because if we understand how life is, then we must also understand that we need to link ourselves together.

You saw and heard some of the other compañeros who were here as part of the free media but also part of the CNI. Now you [from the free media] should have an exchange amongst yourselves, because sharing in an exchange is not the same thing as speaking without having listened.

It is through sharing that we realize that we have to link ourselves together, that we have to grab onto each other’s hands.

The question is, as we asked the compañeros of the National Indigenous Congress, what is it that we have to grab onto together, indigenous and non-indigenous people, can we speak in one voice? Yes. The [indigenous] compañeros understand the life of those who are not indigenous. So how will we do this? How will we struggle?

In other words, our already large task is even greater, and we think that it is even more difficult for those who live in the city, although it is also hard for those of us who live in communities, like those of the National Indigenous Congress. At least in the communities there is still a life in common, but in the cities there isn’t.

There, in the city, behind the fences where one lives, people don’t know their neighbor’s problems; sometimes they don’t even know who their neighbor is. Even sharing three walls—I might live here, and some other neighbor lives over there, and someone else over there—my neighbor isn’t concerned about what is happening with me and I am not concerned with him or her. One after another people live like that.

And so it is a very large task, especially given what is coming, what the compas call “the coming beast.” But among all of us we will destroy it. The question we have to answer then is: how can we do this work? That’s what we think. We are not asking you to become indigenous, but you also shouldn’t ask us to think like or be like the people who live in the city.

No. Each of us struggles, but we are united. Remember what the late SubMarcos used to say: for all we have heard and all the listening we have done in the different caracoles where we have held encounters, and where we have tried to determine and say what is most important, even then—certainly it has happened multiple times here—we don’t manage to create an agreement. Everyone thinks they have the best idea and there is no agreement because everyone wants their particular idea to be accepted. But for us compañeros, all that we can do is see what works, and we can only figure this out if we listen and observe.

So some of you saw—those of you who had already arrived during the last session, the closing of the CNI—the compañeros were thinking that someone would officially close the conference. But we hadn’t decided that; those who witnessed this saw that it was the compañeros themselves who closed the Congress; we hadn’t arranged this beforehand.

So you who were here saw that someone came up thinking to himself: “oh, I want to say something too.” He started off with something adequate for the exchange part of the conference, but people realized this wasn’t the time and place for that, that this was the closing. Soon they got things back on track and closed the exchange. Why? Because this was the will of the compañeros of the assembly, and it is the assembly members who have to close the assembly. These are just some examples of what I’m talking about.

We have to figure out what works best and what assures that we feel that we are all equal. None of this business of “I am the most important, or he is the most important.” We don’t think that works. We think this exchange has been an example of how we can do this among ourselves. This is how we go about figuring out how this thing we call a new world is going to be.

We have to continue to work on this. As the compañeros of the National Indigenous Congress said: yes, we need to share our experiences, and not only among indigenous people. We also need to share with the compañeros and compañeras of the national and international Sixth. Then we have to figure out how will we share. And we also have to think about those who aren’t part of the Sixth, how will we share with them?

That is, how will we respect one another? How will we construct this respect? Because respect is something that we have to build, as we are doing right now. And I think that we have to provide this example – the compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth in the city, and the compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth in the rural areas – when we come together: to feel as one without losing what we are. Rather, we unite in order to build this world that we want.

For example, when we were preparing for this exchange with the compañero bases of support, they thought that (we as authorities) were going to tell them “this is what you are going to be doing.” But no, we had an assembly right where you are sitting now, and ideas started to emerge until we found what felt right, as the compas say, and from that we determined the points to be covered.

But tons of ideas emerged in the meantime until together everyone said, “this is it.” That process enriched our ideas so much. For example, our compañeros said: in Leninist Marxism they say that the primary base of capitalism is the means of production, and that is land – or what we call mother earth. But the compañeros disagreed.

And we asked them, why not? Because, [they said], we know that capitalism thinks of the land this way, and these guys did us the favor of writing down this idea, but we have to understand that our struggle is to say, hell no! We are not going to allow land to be the means of production for capital.

And so what came out of the conversation for those of us who were sitting here then was that the land, mother earth, is the fundamental basis of life for living beings.

“So, let’s see, compañero, compañera, how would you make this argument?”

“Yes,” they said, “because in the country and the city, human beings live on the land, and everything on the land and under it, down to the bugs and worms, is the basis of life. Why would we allow these beasts [capitalists] to come and destroy it?”

And the discussion continued:

“Oh shit! How are we going to do this? Because we are saying that this is their means of production and that we have to take it away from them.”

That’s what we said, because you might remember in one of the encuentros in CIDECI, the late SubMarcos presented a discussion about a can of coke, and in that discussion we said that whatever is a means of production for us we have to take back. And so how are we going to communicate to the compas from the CNI that we have to understand that we must take back the means of production. And so we started to discuss this again. The problem that we face here is has to do with who has the best lands and who takes all of the richness that the land possesses. That is the point from which we began the discussion.

“Well, it is the transnational corporations and the landowners that take the land’s richness, and that is why we need to get rid of them.”

We do have to get rid of them, but now all of us who live on this earth, on mother earth, have to care for it. And there are compañeros who said:

“Yes, because think how many tons of excrement those who live in the cities produce and release into the river, contaminating it. And the businessmen have completely screwed mother earth.”

But okay, that is just a little part of our conversation, so that you can see how rich it is when we share our ideas in common. I am telling you this because you need to have exchanges. I don’t know how you will do it; it requires organization, work, and thought.

But I think that in the space where the compañeros have already agreed to work together, in the space created as compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth, this can be organized, and everyone will have to struggle to communicate their struggle there.

You can sense when someone is communicating what they have observed or worked on or lived with the people. And you can tell the difference between that and someone who presumptuously starts from: “the thing is that I,” or that “he” or that “she” and so on. That is, you can tell when an individual is being glorified, but this isn’t really how things work. This is what we have been discussing among ourselves in the CNI, that what we have to do is strengthen the way we were before, to truly represent the compañeros and compañeras.

Because they still exist. It is true that capitalism wants to destroy them completely, but it hasn’t been able to. Yes, it has been able to destroy a lot, because it is doing its job.

And so we believe that something has to come, another task. You shouldn’t think that we [the authorities] planned this exchange. We didn’t plan it; the compañeros and compañeras did it themselves. The compañeros shared this fact near the closing of the assembly.

And this also is something that we want to share with you, the free media, because we realize that when our bases, our people, speak, all that we have to do is support and assist them so that others can see the fruits of their participation.

This is what we were doing here, passing on what we call the inheritance. And the only inheritance that we have to pass on is about how to work and to take care for things is our organization as the EZLN and our autonomy.

So then, the compañeros and compañeras said: “you are forgetting something, because we don’t know what we are going to do with respect to this,” talking about the Other Campaign. And that reminded us that we needed to say something about the Other. And so we said to them:

“Well, its better if you do it. Our hope for the Other is that the people organize themselves so that one day it is the people who command, that is, that others do what you are already doing. So you have to share this with our compañeros from the Sixth, with those who do the work of the Sixth. The Other was a campaign that we carried out, that is why it was called the Other Campaign. But with regard to those who actually do the work of what is called the Sixth, which is to organize themselves, struggle, and be anticapitalist, you are the ones who have to share with these compañeros and compañeras.

This is what we were discussing, among everyone, and that is where this idea came from.

“Well, then, we have to have a little school,” the compas said.

And that is how the idea was born, and we decided that we would call it ‘the little school’ because that is how the compañeros thought about it, as a little thing, a little school. And so we were going to give it a try, we were going to do it. And yes, it helped a lot, and many of the compañeros and compañeras, the students who came, now have another way of thinking because they saw things here with their own eyes, not because someone told it to them, not because they saw it in a film, but because they lived it during those hours that they were here.

And so certainly these compañero and compañera students who came, maybe they want to share something with us.

That is how we see it.

But often when we have this type of exchange, sometimes it gets quiet for a few minutes and then we start to ask questions about all of the things that we have already discussed. What did we see? What do we think? What do we believe?

So now, compañeros who were here as part of the National Indigenous Congress and those who listened again now, how did you see things? What do you think? And to the media who came and listened to what the compañeros presented in the closing, maybe you have some questions, so that through your questions we can help and clarify whatever isn’t clear. So if you have questions, ask them, and if not that means that everything was clear…or that you didn’t understand anything.

(End of Sub Moisés’ intervention. The questions and interventions of the free media and the comp@s from the worldwide Sixth that were present followed.)

(Transcription of the original audio by Los Tercios Compas)

Copyleft: “los tercios compas” August 12, 2014. In vitro reproduction, vehicular circulation, and wasteful consumption permitted.

Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista






San Manuel's Municipal Clinic named in honor of Compañera Lucha

San Manuel’s Municipal Clinic named in honor of Compañera Lucha

[Please sign on to a trusted Mexican Human Rights Network’s letter to the bad governments about the attacks in San Manuel.]

 We are “on alert” and very concerned about the on-going attacks against Zapatista communities in the hills overlooking the city of Ocosingo, Chiapas, Mexico. Yesterday, Friday, August 15, 2014, the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba) issued Urgent Action No. 3 regarding the situation in San Manuel Autonomous Rebel Zapatista Municipality, the Chiapas Support Committee’s partner Zapatista Municipality for the last 12 years. There was no denunciation from the Good Government Junta in La Garrucha when we wrote this, but  it was issued August 16. The  facts are the same as already presented in this article and the Frayba Urgent Action below.

Frayba issued its first alert regarding this situation on August 4, 2014, when 32 Zapatistas were displaced from Egipto community in San Manuel because of gunshots and threats. Frayba issued a second alert on August 7, 2014, when the paramilitaries continued the same behavior. Now, the threats seem to have escalated.

The new Frayba Urgent Action describes the threats of death and dispossession in the communities of El Rosario, Kexil [1], Egipto and a new community called San Jacinto, all of which are communities founded on land the Zapatistas recuperated from large estate owners following the 1994 Zapatista Uprising.

In a typical Zapatista response to dispossession, Zapatistas from San Manuel founded a new community named San Jacinto on the lands used for collective work adjacent to Egipto and El Rosario, the very lands the paramilitaries desire for cutting down trees and displacing Zapatistas. On August 13, nine Zapatista families built nine houses and a grocery store in San Jacinto. Some 250 Zapatistas were also present that day to clear land for planting.

On August 14, according to the Frayba bulletin, at 3:50 AM, a group of 18 people belonging to the ORCAO, armed with shotguns and .22-caliber weapons from Pojcol community, municipality of Chilón, surrounded the collective work lands and fired their weapons into the air. The aggressors shouted: “these weapons we use are from the government” and “this land is ours and does not belong to those fucking Zapatistas.” They then warned the Zapatistas that they had 6 hours to leave.

In order to avoid being attacked, the 9 families (40 men, women and children) and the 250 Zapatista bases resting there left in different directions. After the displacement, the ORCAO members destroyed the nine houses and the grocery store, stealing the store’s merchandise, any cash in the homes and all the machetes. They also burned clothing left behind and destroyed roofs.

Later that same night (August 14), at 8:30 PM, the women and children of the ORCAO families living in El Rosario abandoned the community, leaving only the men behind. The Zapatistas living in El Rosario were then threatened with eviction and the Zapatista women and children left. So, there are now only men left in this divided community; some are members of the paramilitary group [2] and others that are Zapatistas.


[1] Kexil is a newly revised spelling used for the community of Nuevo Guadalupe Quexil in San Manuel.

[2] In the EZLN communiqué titled “Pain and Rage,” Marcos (now Galeano) labeled the CIOAC-Historic as a paramilitary organization and named the ORCAO as being in the same category. The Good Government Junta in La Garrucha denounced the ORCAO members from Pojcol in April 2012 for their actions in Francisco Villa autonomous municipality.


The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas

August 15, 2014

Urgent Action No. 03


Displacement, risk of dispossession and threats to support bases of the EZLN

The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre has documented further acts of aggression perpetrated by members of the Regional Organization of Coffee Growers of Ocosingo (ORCAO) against support bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (BAEZLN) which occurred on the land for collective work (1) of the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipality (MAREZ) San Manuel (official municipality of Ocosingo), belonging to the Good Government Junta (JBG) “The Path of the Future”, of Caracol III, La Garrucha, Selva Tzeltal Zone, Chiapas .

On August 13, 2014, by agreement of the Zone of the JBG, nine families of BAEZLN built nine houses (one of them containing a grocery shop) and in this way founded Nuevo Poblado (village) “San Jacinto” on the reclaimed lands for collective work belonging to the MAREZ of San Manuel, which adjoin the communities of Egipto and El Rosario; on that day 250 BAEZLN were also present to perform clearance tasks to prepare the ground for planting.

On 14 August, at approximately 3.50 am, a group of 18 people armed with shotguns and .22 caliber weapons, from the community of Pojcol, municipality of Chilón, belonging to ORCAO, surrounded the field and lands for collective work and began firing their weapons into the air for about 40 minutes. According to testimonies of the people who slept there that night, the attackers shouted “these weapons we use are from the government”, “this land is ours and does not belong to those fucking Zapatistas”, warning the BAEZLN at the same time that they had 6 hours to leave the place.

To avoid being attacked, the nine families (a total of 40 people, including girls, boys, women and men) together with 250 BAEZLN who were resting there, decided to leave in different directions. After the displacement, the members of ORCAO from the community of Pojcol destroyed the nine houses (including the grocery shop), stealing the merchandise that was in the shop and the cash that was in the houses; they also burned the clothes left by all the people who were at the scene, destroyed 150 nylon and canvas roofs, and stole the machetes with which they were working the land. The assessment of the damage so far has not been completed.

The same August 14th, at approximately 20.30 pm, information was received that the women and children of El Rosario community, belonging to ORCAO, had abandoned the community leaving only the men, while, according to testimony, the BAEZLN were being threatened with immediate eviction. As a result, the women and children from the same community, but belonging to the BAEZLN, also decided to leave due to the risk of a possible attack, also leaving only the men.

During the last few hours it has been reported to us that the threats from ORCAO against the BAEZLN of the community of El Rosario are intensifying and threatening to potentially result in dispossession.

In this situation, we express our concern at the imminent risk to the life, personal integrity and safety of the BAEZLN of the communities of El Rosario, Kexil, Egipto and Nuevo Poblado San Jacinto, belonging to the MAREZ of San Manuel.

Faced with the displacement of the BAEZLN communities of Egipto, Nuevo Poblado San Jacinto and El Rosario through acts of harassment, threats, aggression and destruction of their property, we hold the government of Chiapas responsible for ignoring the facts which were initially reported, allowing a gradual continuation of increasingly serious flagrant Human Rights violations to be committed.

Given these facts, this Human Rights Centre calls on the authorities of the state and federal government to:

  1. Stop the death threats, harassments, assaults, damages and attempts at dispossession that have led up to now to the displacement of the three BAEZLN communities.
  2. Guarantee to take the necessary measures and investigations aimed to promote conditions to protect the life, personal integrity and safety of the BAEZLN from the MAREZ San Manuel, respecting their process of autonomy which they are constructing under the right to self-determination of the peoples, referred to in the San Andrés Accords, and established in international treaties such as Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The denunciation from the La Garrucha Junta also refers to the attackers from ORCAO as paramilitaries.

To national and international civil society we repeat the call to solidarity to circulate the denunciations and express outrage at the systematic attacks against the BAEZLN belonging to the JBG of La Garrucha (official municipality of Ocosingo).


(1) See Urgent Action No. 03 available at: and Bulletin no. 22:

Many thanks to our compañera in London for the above translation of the Frayba Urgent Action



First Declaration from the Exchange between the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista National Liberation Army on the Repression Against Our Peoples

Sup Moisés at Zapatista Exchange with National Indigenous Congress

Sup Moisés speaks at Zapatista Exchange with National Indigenous Congress

CNI – EZLN: We do not forget our dead, imprisoned, and disappeared.

The war against our indigenous peoples has gone on for more than 520 years. Capitalism was born of the blood of our peoples and the millions of our brothers and sisters who died during the European invasion. We must also add those who died in the wars of independence and reform, with the imposition of liberal laws, during the rule of Porfirio Diaz, and in the revolution.

In this new neoliberal war of conquest, the death of our people is the condition for the life of this system.

In the last few decades, thousands and thousands of us have been tortured, assassinated, disappeared, and imprisoned for defending our territories, our families, our communities, our culture – our life itself.

We do not forget. Because this blood, these lives, these struggles, and this history are the essence of our resistance and our rebellion against those who kill us; they live in the life and in the struggle of our people.

These are our most recent dead:


* Compañero Galeano from the Junta de Buen Gobierno of La Realidad and Votán from the Little School “Freedom According to the Zapatistas”, violently assassinated in the Caracol of La Realidad, Zapatista Autonomous Municipality of San Pedro Michoacán, this past May 2, by paramilitaries from the CIOAC-H, who are protected by paramilitary Manuel Velazco Coello and the supreme paramilitary leader Enrique Peña Nieto.

* December 22, 1997, a group of 49 people from Las Abejas, including 4 unborn children, as they prayed in the town of Acteal, municipality of Chenalhó, were violently murdered by a group of PRI paramilitaries protected by the government of the state and by the criminal Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León.

* The murdered adults: Manuel Santiz Culebra, Daniel Gómez Pérez, Victorio Vázquez Gómez, Miguel Pérez Jiménez, Ignacio Pucuj Luna, Alonso Vázquez Gómez, Lorenzo Gómez Pérez, Antonio Vázquez Luna, María Pérez Oyalté, Marcela Capote Ruiz, Marcela Pucuj Luna, Catalina Luna Pérez, Manuela Pérez Moreno o Manuela Paciencia Moreno, Margarita Méndez Paciencia, Marcela Luna Ruiz, Juana Pérez Pérez o Florinda Pérez Pérez, María Gómez Ruiz, Verónica Vázquez Luna, Paulina Hernández Vázquez, Susana Jiménez Luna, Rosa Pérez Pérez, Antonia Vázquez Pérez, Marcela Vázquez Pérez, Juana Luna Vázquez, Juana Gómez Pérez, María Capote Pérez, Marcela Capote Vázquez.

* The assassinated minors: Martha Capote Pérez, Rosa Vázquez Luna, Loida Ruiz Gómez, Micaela Vázquez Pérez, Josefa Vázquez Pérez, Sebastián Gómez Pérez, Juana Pérez Luna, Roselina Gómez Hernández, Lucía Méndez Capote, Graciela Gómez Hernández, María Luna Méndez, Silvia Pérez Luna, Vicente Méndez Capote, Micaela Vázquez Luna, Juana Vázquez Luna, Alejandro Pérez Luna, Juan Carlos Luna Pérez, Guadalupe Gómez Hernández.

*Juan Vázquez Guzmán and Juan Carlos Gómez Silvano, from the Tzeltal community of San Sebastián Bachajón, assassinated on April 24, 2013 and March 21, 2014, respectively, for defending their territory in a conflict with ejido authorities and the three levels of bad government.

*Filemón Benítez Pérez, Antonio Benítez Pérez, María Núñez González, and Vicente Pérez Díaz, members of the Xi-Nich organization, Choles from the community of Viejo Velasco, Ocosingo, assassinated on November 13, 2006, at the hands of the Sectoral Police with high-powered weapons.


*Héctor Regalado Jiménez, member of the Popular Assembly of the Pueblo Juchiteco, who died August 1, 2013, from wounds inflicted by the Industrial and Commercial Bank Auxiliary Police and gunmen from the Fenosa Natural Gas company, who acted as vigilantes for the wind farm.

Pablo Jarquín Ruiz, Mixe, assassinated for denouncing the shots fired that scared the children in the community elementary school when the army entered their community on December 17, 2012.

*Maximino Salinas Hernández, president of the Ejidal Authorities of his community, Fuerza Chinanteca Kia-nan, in San Antonio Las Palmas, Jocotepec, assassinated June 30, 2013, two months after his community detained municipal machinery in order to demand public works projects.

*Carlos Sánchez López, assassinated on August 8, 2003, in Juchitan, Oaxaca, and Manuel Posada Chévez, assassinated April 5, 2004, in Unión Hidalgo, Oaxaca, in the context of the struggle of the Concejo Ciudadano Unidalguense against the Puebla-Panama Plan and the corruption of the PRI town councilperson Armando Sanchéz.


*Aristeo Flores Rolón and Nazario Aldama Villa, indigenous representatives from the Nahua community of Ayotitlán, Sierra de Manantlán, who were members of the Consejo de Mayores, Traditional Authorities of the Sierra de Manantlán, and who were assassinated in September 2001 and May 2003.

*Juan Monroy and José Luis Rosales Conteras from the Highlands communities of the Nahua Ejido of Ayotitlán, in the Telcruz district: Persecuted and shot for defending the organization against excessive logging in the zone.

*Diego Ramírez Domínguez, Simón Pineda Verdía, Simón Pineda (his son), Quintín Regis Valdez, Erik Nemecio Domínguez, Ernesto Nicolás López, Pedro Nazario Domínguez, Pedro Guzmán Ramírez, Ambrosio Verdía Macías, Francisco Verdía Macías, Pedro Leyva, Isidro Mora Domínguez, Feliciano Cirino Domínguez, Jonathan Verdía Gómez, Fortino Verdía Gómez, Nicolás de la Cruz Rojas, Rafael de la Cruz, Juan Faustino Nemesio, J. Trinidad de la Cruz Crisóstomo, Crisóforo Sánchez Reyes, Teodulo Santos Girón, and Feliciano Corona Cirino, assassinated between 2008 and 2013, from the Nahua community of Santa María de Ostula, Michoacán.

For all of them, we demand JUSTICE!


These are our disappeared:


*Celedonio Monroy Prudencio, Nahua from the community of Loma Colorada, from the Nahua ejido of Ayotitlán, Sierra de Manantlán, Jalisco, who was disappeared from his home by alleged ministerial police on October 22, 2012.

*Agustín Mancilla Partida, Nahua, disappeared in October 2012 in the Nahua community of Villa Purificación.


*Javier Martínez Robles, Gerardo Vera Orcino, Francisco de Asís Manuel, Enrique Domínguez Macías and Martín Santos Luna, Nahua communal members from Santa Maria Ostula, disappeared on various dates between 2010 and 2013.

*The Guzmán Cruz family, whose names are: Amafer, Solón, Armando, Venustiano, and José de Jesús Guzmán Jiménez, disappeared on July 24, 1974, persecuted for their political militancy, in an operation in which the Mexican army entered the Purépecha community of Tarejero, Zacapu municipality, Michoacan, and took the family.


*Teodulfo Torres Soriano, indigenous migrant from Oaxaca, was disappeared between March 23 and 26, 2013, because he was the primary witness to the attack and later death of Juan Francisco Kuykendall on December 1, 2012.


*Flabio Granado Llanos and Cornelio Viberos Venabidez, originally from San Francisco Agua Fría in the Tatahuicapan municipality, coming from San Antonio and disappeared as of December 21, 2012.

They were taken alive, we want them back alive!


These are our imprisoned:


*Alejandro Regalado Jiménez, Binnizá from Juchitán de Zaragoza, imprisoned since April 3, 2013 and sentenced to 10 years in the Tehuantepec prison, detained for his Zapotec indigenous identity and for living in the seventh section of the town where the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco Pueblo (APPJ) defended the land, territory, and air against the invasion of the Bii Yooxh’o windfarm by the Spanish company Fonesa Natural Gas.

*Álvaro Sebastián Ramírez, Justino Hernández José, Eleuterio Hernández García, Abraham García Ramírez, Zacarías Pascual García López, Agustín Luna Valencia and Fortino Enríquez Hernández, Binnizá indigenous people from San Agustín Loxicha, teachers and peasants, guardians of their communities, detained 18 years ago and sentenced to between 20 and 30 years in prison.

*Pablo López Alavez, Binnizá indigenous from San Isidro Aloapan, imprisoned in the Villa de Etla prison, kidnapped in 2012 by alleged furniture manufacturers and then appeared in that prison. Defender of the forests, territory, and natural resources from his community.

*Dionisio Tapia Isidro, Sixto José Miramar and Filomeno Ortiz Antonio, Mixe indigenous people from San Lucas Camotlán, Oaxaca, imprisoned merely for asking the Mexican army why they entered their community on December 17, 2012.


*Enedina Rosas Vélez ejidal authority from San Felipe Xonacayucan, indigenous Atlixco Nahua, member of the People’s Front in Defense of the Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala (FPDTA-MPT), detained last April 6, imprisoned in the regional CERESO in Atlixco, for defending and respecting the decision of her people against the dispossession of land for the Integral Project of Morelos (PIM) and denounced by the Italian company Bonatti.

*Juan Carlos Flores Solís from San Andres Cholula, in the Nahua region of valle de Puebla, member of FPDTA-MPT, detained last April 7, imprisoned in CERESO regional of San Pedro Cholula for defending the rights of the people in the face of the dispossession inflicted by the PIM, denounced by the bad government of Rafael Moreno Valle, and issued two more arrest warrants: one for by the Italian company Bonatti and the other by the Federal Electricity Commission.


*Alejandro Díaz Santís, Tzotzil from Mitontic, sentenced to 30 years in prison without having committed a single crime, and being held in CERESO number 5 in San Cristobal de las Casas.


*Rubén Díaz Orozco, who has been in prison for 17 years for being a social leader, held in the CERESO in San José El Alto, Querétaro since March 1998. The compañero is about to turn 70 years old and has serious health problems. (We demand his release because of his age and severe health problems).

*Rómulo Arias Mireles, Pedro Sánchez Berriozabal and Teófilo Pérez González, defenders of water from the Nahua community of San Pedro Tlanixco: sentenced to 54, 52, and 50 years in prison, respectively. Lorenzo Sánchez Berriozabal, Marco Antonio Pérez González y Dominga Martínez González, who are currently under process and imprisoned in the Santiaguito penitentiary, Almoloya de Juarez, for struggling against the dispossession of water from the slopes of the Xinantecatl volcano for major commercial flower companies.

We demand their FREEDOM!

We also demand the cancellation of the arrest warrants for our following brothers and sisters:

*Mariano López Gómez, Raymundo Regalado Jiménez and Carlos Sánchez Martínez, members of the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco Pueblo, who were accused of fabricated crimes and have to live on constant alert, denounced by the transnational wind company Fenosa Natural Gas.


*Avelino Velazques Tapia, Eusebio Aguilar Torres, Alejandro Torres Chocolatl, Adela Ramos Villalba, Juan Álvares Tapia, Federico Villalba Ramos, Nahua indigenous, members of the People’s Front in Defense of the Land and the Water of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala FPDTA-MPT, denounced by the Federal Electricity Commission for defending the land and the water in opposition to the Morelos Integral Project.


*Cirilo Rojas López and Casiano Pérez Magallón, Jorge de los Santos Pérez, Vicente Paredes Perales, José Abraham de la Rosa Sanabria, Ismael de los Santos González, Petra Sanabria Claro and Manuel Alejandro Jacobo Contreras, inhabitants and communal members, all from the community of Coca de Mezcala de la Asunción, who have been unjustly denounced and persecuted by the invader Guillermo Moreno Ibarra since September 2011 for defending communal territory. Salvador de la Rosa Paredes, who was denounced and who is now being denounced again by the invader named above.

We also demand an end to the harassment and threats against the following brothers and sisters:


*This past August 4, while we were having this exchange, 10 public functionaries from the Federal Institute of Communications (IFETEL), led by Raúl Leanel Mulhia Arsaluz and accompanied by two patrols and three trucks from the Federal Preventive Police, violently raided the facilities of Zacatepec Radio in the Nahua community of Santa María Zacatepec, in the municipality of Juan C. Bonilla, decommissioning a transmitter, two microphones, a transformer, a CPU and a console. Minutes later, eight men in plainclothes, white pants and shirts without logos, with an IFETEL badge as identification, and accompanied by three patrols from the Federal Preventative Police who blocked access to the street, threatened compañera María Eugenia Toxcoyoa, operator of Axocotzin Radio, of the Nahua community of San Bernardino Tlaxcalancingo, in the Municipality of San Andrés Cholula, demanding that she allow them to enter the radio facilities or else threatening to use the security forces; six men entered the facilities and damaged them, taking the transmitter, the monitor, three microphones and the CPU with all of the historic social and political memory that the radio had collected in Junta Auxiliar de Tlaxcalancingo. The federal government and the government of Rafaél Moreno Valle orchestrated these actions in an effort to stop the struggle of the people of Tlaxcala, Puebla and Morelos against the Morelos Integral Plan.


* The commander of the community police of Santa María Ostula, Cemei Verdía Zepeda, whom they are trying to frame for attempted homicide in the struggle against dispossession of the land and natural resources.

*Rey Pérez Martínez, ex-president of the Ejidal Comisariado of San Pedro Tlanixco, and Santos Alejandro Álvarez Zetina, against whom they have unleashed a systematic repression, raiding their homes late at night and who have not been able to return to their homes for 11 years.

*Carmen Ruiz Martínez, member of the APPO who has received death threats via telephone by hitmen from the Fenosa Natural Gas company who tried to kidnap them.

*Raúl Javier Gatica Bautista, Mixteco indigenous, exiled from the country because of constant death threats that he received for defending the rights of the communities who make up the Indigenous Popular Council of Oaxaca Ricardo Flores Magón (CIPO-RFM).

Our rage was born from our pain, and our rebellion from our rage, and from our rebellion the freedom of the people of the world will be born.

From Zapatista Reality, August 2014

For the holistic reconstruction of our peoples! Never again a Mexico without us!

National Indigenous Congress
and Zapatista National Liberation Army

En español:




EZLN invitation to the Worldwide Festival of Resistances and Rebellions against Capitalism “Where Those From Above Destroy and Those From Below Reconstruct”

Photo from the Zapatista Exchange

Photo from the Zapatista Exchange

Published by: POZOL COLECTIVO August 10, 2014

Saturday, August 9, 2014 -
Invitation to the Worldwide Festival of Resistances and Rebellions

“We came to share our feelings and pains that this neoliberal system has given us, but not just that. We also came to share valiant knowledge, experiences of struggle and of organization. Challenges in the face of the capitalist invaders and neoliberals that have caused us so much damage.”
(EZLN, August de 2014)

To the brothers and sisters of the national and international Sixth:

Our peoples met in the Exchange (Sharing) of Zapatista Peoples and the National Indigenous Congress “David Ruíz García,” we talked about our sorrows, our words and experiences with struggle, rebellion and resistance.

Together we know that in our rebelliousness is our “NO” to the policies of destruction that capitalism makes all over the world. And we know that the seeds of the world that we want are in our resistances.

These rebellions and resistances are not only of the original peoples of Mexico. They also walk in the steps of the original peoples of the whole continent and in all corners of the planet where individuals, groups, collectives and organizations not only say “NO” to the destruction, but they also are reconstructing something new.

In this exchange that we know has been possible in great measure thanks to the support of brothers and sisters of the national and international Sixth, we confirm that our Mother Earth, giver of all life on the planet, is in danger and with that all of humanity; we see that it is neoliberal capitalism that provokes so much pain, so much destruction and so much death; that it is what dispossesses, exploits, scorns and represses us.

In defense of Mother Earth, in the struggle for humanity and against neoliberalism, there is no small struggle.

Brothers and sisters of the national and international Sixth, because we know that this savage and deadly capitalism is not invincible, as you already taught us, besides the Zapatista experience, the rebellions and resistances that flourish on all of the planet, and that your pains are our pains, and that your struggles are our struggles, and that your dreams are our dreams, we want to share with you the words, experiences, paths and the joint decision that a world where many worlds fit is possible. We are concretizing the steps to achieve that dream and it is necessary to share with each other, to know what we think, to listen to each other in order to know how our struggles are, to know about our rebellions and to learn about our resistances.

The peoples, tribes and nations have agreed in this assembly to hold together with you the “First Worldwide Festival of Resistances and Rebellions against Capitalism” with the slogan of “WHERE THOSE FROM ABOBE DESTROY THOSE FROM BELOW RECONSTRUCT.”

This gigantic worldwide exchange will be held between the December 22, 2014 and January 3, 2015 in the following sites:

*Inauguration in the Ñatho community of San Francisco Xochicuautla, Lerma, State of Mexico, on Sunday, December 21, 2014.

*Exchanges in the communities of San Francisco Xochicuautla and in Amilzingo, Morelos on December 22 and 23, 2014.

*Great Cultural Festival in the Federal District on December 24, 25 and 26, 2014.

*Continuation of exchanges in the Binnizá communities of Juchitán, Oaxaca, and on the Yucatán Peninsula, on December 28 and 29, 2014.

*Fiesta of Anticapitalist Rebellion and Resistance in the Caracol of Oventic on December 31, 2014 and January 2015.

*Conclusions and closing, pronouncements and declarations, at the CIDECI, San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, on January 2 and 3, 2015.

Our exchange in this “First Worldwide Festival of Resistances and Rebellions against Capitalism” will be between the Zapatista peoples, the peoples, tribes, nations and barrios of the National Indigenous Congress, the original peoples of the continent, and peoples, collectives and individuals adhered to the national and international Sixth all over the world.

In the coming days we will announce more details of this convocation.

Our peoples of corn that we are, sharing with you will be like the milpa that flourishes, for strengthening us in our resistances and caring for Mother Earth in this new walking that we want to share.


From La Realidad Zapatista, August 2014

For the integral reconstitution of our peoples!

Never more a Mexico without us!




Also, the individuals, groups, collectives, organizations of the Sixth in the whole world that may add themselves to this call



[To Our Readers: Mexico’s Congress recently passed energy “reforms” into law. They are structural reforms that functionally undo major accomplishments of the 1910-1917 Mexican Revolution. Luis Hernández Navarro, editor of La Jornada’s Opinion section, analyzes the effect on rural life.]


By: Luis Hernández Navarro

Indigenous Women protest wind farm in Oaxaca

Indigenous Women protest wind farm in Oaxaca

A new social class is at the point of emerging in the Mexican countryside. It is the class of the energy latifundios [1]. The new legislation not only permits the dispossession of the lands and territories of ejido owners, comuneros and small property owners, but it also re-concentrates a significant part of the land in a few hands: those of the large hydrocarbon and electric companies.

There will be no limit for the energy companies in the extension of land that they acquire or “temporarily occupy” for extracting oil or gas, or for generating electricity. Nor will hindrances exist in their access to water. They will be the new latifundistas.

If in the past the lords of the land that legally and illegally monopolized large surfaces were dedicated to extensive cattle ranching and to plantation crops, like coffee, cotton and sugar cane, now the new latifundistas will extract natural resources.

With the State’s endorsement, the companies will have at their disposal practically any surface that they desire. Despite being private, they will embody a public utility cause. The lands that are appropriated will not be destined to cultivating food, breeding cattle or practicing forestry.

The appropriation of land and territory by these new latifundistas will irremediably break the countryside’s associative fabric. With all the limitations that one wants, the agrarian nuclei have permitted up to now the survival of small campesino production and its forms of life. Around 70 percent of the rural population is occupied in it, and produces around 40 percent of the food.

The promises of wellbeing and employment for rural society with which are wrapped the poisoned apples of the reforms to constitutional article 27, the North American Free Trade Agreement and the neoliberal policies never arrived. To survive, the campesinos took refuge in immigration, growing drugs and the return to the countryside. With the new latifundistas foraging, the coexisting in ejidos and communities is mortally wounded.

The new relationship between energy companies and campesinos will seriously divide ejido owners and comuneros with rights to land and to the use of common areas, from the settlers that live in the rural populations. They (the energy companies) will be able “to distribute” benefits to those who have agrarian rights and leave out the residents that lack them. Moreover, inside of the same ejido or community they will be able to deal with some ejido owners and comuneros and leave others out of the agreement.

Immediately, the incursion of this new latifundista class in the Mexican countryside will provoke expropriations in fact, land speculation, over-exploitation (and contamination) of the ground water and the privatization of water. Simultaneously, it will facilitate uprooting, the rupture of the social fabric, the proliferation of private guards at the service of the companies, flourishing of a rental culture, the strengthening of local political bosses, human rights violations and the emergence of a new kind of social resentment.

The companies will dispossess those that have titles to land or otherwise own property through different legal mechanisms: rental agreements, voluntary servitude, surface occupation, temporary occupation and sale. With different names we’re dealing with the same fact: spoliation (plunder).

Although expropriation was formally eliminated from the energy law and temporary occupation was substituted for it, dispossession is maintained. The agrarian law already contained the legal mechanism of expropriation of ejidal and communal lands and with the new legislation it remains in effect. Expropriation continues being a sword of Damocles that can fall on the head of the campesinos at almost any moment. Nevertheless, to this threat is now added that of temporary occupation. The mechanism leaves in Limbo how “temporary” the occupation will be. Its duration has no expiration date; in other words, it can literally be maintained for decades. During that time, it would permit the new latifundistas to indiscriminately extract the riches of those lands without having to worry about their sustainability. When the lands are no longer useful, they will return them devastated and lacking in value.

The energy consortiums that are thinking to invest in Mexico cannot ignore the possibility of running into social expressions of discontent, given a theme as sensitive as that of land. The mining companies have already experienced a taste of what can happen to them in almost the whole country: the wind farms in Oaxaca, the CFE in the southeast, the irrigation zones of the north and the Pemex in states like Tabasco.

Enormous misinformation and incredulity dominate rural society today about the effects that the new energy laws will have. Many campesinos simply and plainly do not believe that they can be dispossessed of their lands. When they comprehend the true reach of the plunder underway, their response will be of a guarded prognosis. Moreover, it occurs at a time in which the emigration escape valve has stopped functioning as it had in the past, and many of those without documents are returning to the country to plant their plots of land.

The history of Mexico has been marked by incessant agrarian rebellions. Peoples and communities have been rising up time and time again in defense of their lands and territories. Against wind and tide, the campesinos have persisted in their determination to continue being campesinos. There is no basic reason that it’s going to be different now.


  1. Latifundio – a large estate of land owned by a one party.

* Latifundista – The party owning a large estate of land


Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

Translation: Chiapas Support Committee

Tuesday, August 5, 2014




Design for the school and clinic

Design for the school and clinic

(Clarification: according to some bad information that we received, the compas from the free, alternative, autonomous, or whatever-they-call-themselves media weren’t going to be able to make it to the closing and resolutions of the first Exchange (and so wouldn’t be able to report on the ongoing work for the reconstruction of the school and the clinic destroyed by the paramilitaries from CIOAC-Historic). The rationale, motive, or reason for this was that they didn’t have the cash, the coin, the bucks, the bills, the money, the financial support, the liquidity, the economic solvency, the credit, etc., to get here. For this rationale, motive, or reason, “Los Tercios Compas,” [1] who are always ready to support the compa media, mobilized a special multimedia, multitask, multidisciplinary team – very cutting edge – with their morraletas [cloth shoulder bags] stuffed full of gigabytes and pozol, to take pictures and do interviews to circulate about the events. Then during what they call the “post production” phase of their informative material, we received different information telling us that the compas from the alternative media did in fact have the means, the manner, the bizness to be able to get here and do their work of spreading information far and wide about what is happening here. In other words, they were coming after all. In other words, all that work for nothing. In any case, we are sending you the material, for whatever it’s worth. Here goes.)


Interview conducted on August 5, 2014, in the afternoon (that is: after pozol), in the Zapatista community of La Realidad, in the mountains of southeastern Mexico. Climatological conditions: the heat was fierce, the ski masks were almost unbearable, but what can you do.

Compañera: Good afternoon compañero.

  1. Good afternoon compañera.

Compañera: What’s your name?

M: My name is M.

Compañera: What is your work?

  1. I am an authority in this community of La Realidad. I am part of the ejidal commission of this community, La Realidad.

Compañera: I have a question. How is the construction of the school going?

M: We began the construction of the school on the 31st of last month, and so it has only been going on for a few days. It hasn’t even been a week, it’s really just beginning. We are only just now starting with the installation of the iron bars, which are the primary base. The construction will require 25 or 26 bars altogether, and we have just finished installing six of them. This is what is currently happening with the construction; it has only just begun. It’s only been six days since we started.

Compañera: What materials do you still need?

M: We now have almost all of the materials that we need. We have already bought them from the hardware store; everything’s ready. All that we’re missing are some of the materials that haven’t yet arrived here in the community of La Realidad. That is, we already have all of the metal rods, the wire rods, all of that. Now we are waiting for the cement blocks to arrive – 430 sacks of cement and 9 bundles of laminate (Note: one bundle has ten sheets of laminate bundled into a single packet), and some nails for the construction of the house. That is what we are still waiting for here in the community in terms of materials. Most of the materials that we need are already here in La Realidad.

Compañera: And when will the construction be finished?

M: According to the masons here—the master builders—according to their calculations, it will take them 80 days to finish. That is how long the master builders have calculated; this is how long they have told us that it will take.

Compañera: And how is the work organized?

M: Well, here we organize our work such that we take turns. We take turns depending on how many helpers the master builders, the masons, need. If they say, ‘well this day I need 10 helpers, the next day I need 8,’ then we send the number of they ask for, taking turns. We might send 8 people today and another 8 a different day, and that is how it goes depending on how many people the master builder says that they need. That is how we are organized. It is the community of La Realidad who are doing the work here now; we are working and the masons, who are compañeros, are directing the work. This is how it is organized.

Compañera: How do you think the construction is going to turn out?

  1. Well, the master builders, the masons, asked us what we wanted the building to be like, what type of house we wanted built. So we told them how we wanted it to be, with two stories. We had someone who is an architect draw up a design according to what we said that we wanted. We have some of the drawings here for you to see. They show what it will be like, that is, the model or the type of house. And this is the type we chose. This drawing in my right hand is what it will look like from the front and in this one in in my left hand we are looking at it from the back. This is the model, how the house will look when the construction is finished. This is how we thought the building should be.

Compañera: And this big building that we are looking at, what will it be used for?

M: Well this building, as of a long time ago – before this problem of what happened on May 2nd had come about – for a long time we had been thinking about this building. The community had gotten organized and decided to make a collective store for both compañeros and compañeras. We had said: let’s build a house divided into two where we were going to build the store for a school instead. And the community approved the idea. And that is how we left it, now we aren’t planning a store anymore. Now we are planning a school, a schoolhouse. We realized we aren’t going to have those two rooms after all, but that is what we decided, that this building would be a school. So this building is now destined to be a school, and in the meantime, the children aren’t studying, they aren’t going to class right now. For now the house is designated as a place to stay for the brigades that come to help with the construction of the autonomous school, but now that house that you are looking at is destined to be a school.

Compañera: Okay, very well compañero. Thanks so much for talking to us.

M: You’re welcome compañera.


Reporting for “Los Tercios Compas:” Airwaves Insurgent compañera Angelina on microphone and Infantry Insurgent compañera Erika on camera. While we wait for official permissions from the Junta de Buen Gobierno, consensual and responsible reproduction is permitted, as is coronary circulation (it’s good for the heart) and the unobstructed rise and fall of what they call the upload and download.

[1] The name given the autonomous Zapatista media collective that is usually for internal use.


Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista

Friday, August 8, 2014

En español:

Click on the above link to see more photos of the construction.